The escalating brutality of the war in Ukraine has dampened voices from both the right and left skeptical about the United States’ involvement in armed conflict abroad. with few questions or concerns.

Pressured to form a united front as President Vladimir V. Putin’s forces wage a campaign of atrocities across Ukraine, lawmakers in both political parties have previously complained about skyrocketing military budgets and entanglements in persistent conflict abroad. , largely silent on what has quickly become a major military effort based on US resources.

The House stood on Tuesday night to approve a second package of military and humanitarian aid for Kiev, which has risen to nearly $40 billion, weeks after lawmakers overwhelmingly approved $13.6 billion in emergency aid for the war effort. That total — about $53 billion over two months — goes beyond what President Biden had requested and amounts to the largest package of foreign aid to pass through Congress in at least the past two decades.

It also comes at a time when the two sides have failed to agree on investment in domestic programs. They include the extension of a tax credit that lifted millions of American children out of poverty and even a pandemic response package to contain the spread of the coronavirus, as Republicans and some Democrats express concern that such spending could exacerbate inflation and federal deficit.

But stunned by the horrific images from Ukraine and distrustful of turning its back on a country whose suffering for the world has been vividly shown, many lawmakers have cast aside their skepticism and quietly agreed to the sprawling tranches of aid, as they continue their concerns about the war and questions about the Biden administration’s strategy for US involvement.

And since the requests of Mr. Biden to Congress for money to fund the war effort, leaders of both parties have largely refrained from questioning them. Instead, the packages have swelled to meet the competing priorities of the two parties, with Republicans adding money for military aid and Democrats urging it to be matched with an equal addition for humanitarian aid.

They were supported by urgent pleas from both Ukrainian leaders and the Biden administration, who this week warned Congress that more aid would be needed before May 19 to continue providing military support.

On Tuesday, hours before the House was due to vote, Oksana Markarova, Ukraine’s ambassador to the United States, met separately with Senate Republicans and Democrats to personally call for swift approval of the package.

“Her people are dying. They are running out of supplies and ammunition. They need our help soon,” said Senator Richard J. Durbin of Illinois, the No. 2 Democrat, who described Ms. Markarova’s message as, “Thank you for all our help, but please speed it up.”

The result is that, at least for now, Congress is quickly and almost unanimously embracing historic tranches of foreign aid with little public debate about the Biden administration’s strategy, whether the volume of military aid could escalate the conflict, or whether domestic priorities are pushed aside to absorb the enormous expenditure abroad.

“Time is of the essence — and we can’t afford to wait,” California president Nancy Pelosi wrote in a letter to lawmakers ahead of the vote on Tuesday. “With this aid package, America is sending a resounding message to the world of our unwavering determination to stand by the courageous people of Ukraine until victory is won.”

The package would provide $6 billion in weapons, intelligence support, training and other defense assistance to Ukrainian armed forces, as well as $8.7 billion to replenish US equipment sent to the country. It would allocate $3.9 billion for European command operations, including intelligence support and hardships for troops in the region.

It would allow Mr Biden to authorize the rapid transfer of up to $11 billion in US equipment, weapons and defense supplies.

The legislation would also set aside $13.9 billion for the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, most of which will go to the Economic Support Fund to help Ukraine’s government continue to function. Another $4.4 billion would go to emergency food aid in Ukraine and around the world as the war disrupts the country’s food supply and distribution. The measure would spend $900 million on aid to Ukrainian refugees, including housing, English language, trauma and support services.

A handful of reliably libertarian-leaning Republicans spoke out to oppose the legislation, arguing that the United States could not afford to spend so much abroad at a time when it claims basic needs are not being met. of American citizens. Mostly, though, they complained about proposals to use the package to achieve other legislative priorities — such as a measure to help Afghan refugees seek legal permanent status in the United States, which was scrapped amid Republican resistance — rather than the total cost or purpose of the package.

The loudest voices in both sides were those who expressed their full support, arguing that not stopping Putin’s campaign now would lead to a more expensive conflict later.

“I think we can all agree that the most important thing going on in the world right now is the war in Ukraine,” Kentucky Senator Mitch McConnell said of a recent phone call with Mr. Biden in which he said he had advised the president that the package should go “on its own accord and quickly.”

“He called back in about 15 minutes and agreed we should do this – Ukraine only, and quickly,” added Mr McConnell. “I think we’re on the right track to make that happen.”

Some lone voices on Capitol Hill — mostly far-right Republicans — came forward on Tuesday to voice their doubts. They were handcuffed by Donald Trump Jr.the eldest son of former President Donald J. Trump, and a handful of conservative advocacy groups mobilized against the bill.

Rep. Warren Davidson, a Republican from Ohio and a former Army officer, said in an interview that he was concerned that by passing the legislation quickly without sufficient debate, Congress was essentially paving the way for Mr. Biden to change the nation’s role in the world “from fighting everyone’s war to financing everyone’s war.”

“Was it urgent to help them at an early stage? Absolutely,” said Mr. Davidson on the Ukrainian Armed Forces.

But, he added, in earlier times of war, lawmakers had passed bills with sweeping, long-lasting effects, citing the Patriot Act and the 2001 law permitting war on Al Qaeda, which has since been stretched to an open battle. against Islamic militants. groups around the world.

“If you rush these things and don’t frame them properly, bad things happen,” he said.

In the early weeks of the war in Ukraine, skeptical lawmakers in both sides were more open about concerns about the United States’ role in the conflict.

More than 40 lawmakers right and left signed a letter in February, Biden warned that he would need Congressional approval before involving US troops in the war. Some progressive legislators openly frustrated about the potential unforeseen consequences of sending thousands of weapons to fighters in Ukraine, while a handful of conservatives argued that the war was simply not an issue for the United States to get involved in.

But as Mr Putin’s campaign became increasingly barbaric and the Biden administration began to send more aid to Ukraine, including quietly providing crucial intelligence to Ukrainian troops, those voices became quieter.

Congressional leaders in both parties have also moved quickly to dampen those voices.

“This is a big package, but the need is great and time is of the essence,” said New York Democrat and majority leader Sen. Chuck Schumer. “We have a moral obligation to stand with our friends in Ukraine. The struggle they find themselves in is a struggle between democracy and authoritarianism itself. We dare not succumb to quick action to help our friends in need.”

Each time Mr. Biden has requested emergency assistance from Congress, congressional leaders have significantly increased both military and humanitarian funding. For example, the legislation the House would pass on Tuesday more than doubled the arms transfer authority Mr. Biden requested, effectively allowing him to dive into US stockpiles to send the Ukrainians more than twice as many weapons without returning to Congress.

Each time, they have been spurred into action by top Ukrainian officials who have proved masterful at rallying support for their cause. Lawmakers were moved to tears by President Volodymyr Zelensky’s emotional speech to Congress in March.

Liberal Democrats have pointed out that Ukraine’s aid packages appeared to have a much easier path to the president’s office than their domestic priorities. A $22.5 billion coronavirus emergency package has shrunk to less than half its size over Republican demands that it be paid for with existing funds, and is embroiled in an election-year conflict over immigration.

“Our national defense is about helping the Ukrainians fight against an illegal and immoral Russian invasion,” said Massachusetts Democrat Senator Elizabeth Warren. “But our national defense is also about strengthening our families and our own domestic economy.”

“The disconnection here really frustrates me,” she added.

But when Ms. Pelosi visited Kiev and Poland to view the wreckage left by Russian troops, liberals noted that she was joined by two powerful and outspoken anti-war progressives, Representatives Barbara Lee of California and Jim McGovern of Massachusetts, extending the breadth of the American consensus. behind Ukraine’s war effort.

“We should always have a debate, but the problem is that Ukraine is currently in the midst of a very intense war,” said Senator Bernie Sanders, the Vermont independent who has often filed charges against increased military spending. “I think every day counts, and I think we need to respond as forcefully and forcefully as possible.”

John Ismay and Luke Broadwater reporting contributed.

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